ART&RESEARCH


A Journal of Ideas, Contexts and Methods

Volume 1. No. 2. Summer 2007
ISSN 1752-6388



Art & The Political Seminar: Part 2
Democracy and Its Discontents

Shauna McMullan (continued)

SM: And also probably about 15 or 18 of the sentences are written in Gaelic and some of them are written in Scots, kind of mapping in terms of accent within the sentences which are written.

Klaus Jung: I’m also thinking about mapping or names forming your map of Scotland. It’s absolutely fascinating but what I was wondering now is this, I might be completely wrong, you know, a lot of the sentences present some very strong local connection you know to somewhere where people think they belong. And then I thought of you as a Northern Irish artist doing something about belonging to a Scottish identity: Is there conflict, is there a contradiction? And also on the other hand thinking, you know, identity, a place, is that still a lasting or sustainable way of identity, with migration growing more and more and more? Or is that something more romantic, you know, or fantastic, actually ‘I belong here’, ‘I’m from the Shetlands’, etc. I wonder what your thoughts are on that, have you been working on it?

SM: I think Klaus at the beginning I was talking about that idea of dealing with my own identity at the very beginning of the work and acknowledging that I had chosen to live here for 12 years, I wasn’t from here and I was of a certain age, and the kind of fields that I work in and move in understand Scotland as a place that’s made up of multiple identities and so the work in someway had to address my specific relationship to Scottish identity and also try and address a much wider relationship to that. And I think, you know, moving around the country to meet with everybody and talk to them, you realise in the conversations that you were having with people that that movement, the conversation was much bigger than Scotland and the women were talking about people, even local people, but also national and international and kind of European and world wide, and I think some of the sentences look at that and refer to it.

DB: It’s a really interesting point because I think we get very possessive of the local in a way. I think one aspect of the local is historical memory, of generations of the people that lived in the place for a long time and another way of thinking of the local is where you are, where you happen to be, where I am right now. And that’s a transferable experience, you know, and so I think that one understanding of the local in one situation can be in part, if we think about it as affection for place, can be transposed to other kinds of experience, maybe even transposed to other peoples’ experience, to relate and to understand a cultural situation. But I think in this a wider, more allegorical understanding of what that might be comes into play and I like that idea very much.

Rhona Warwick: Can I actually ask a question, which follows on from the lecture this morning? That if we make the assumption that all art is political, then we have to look at where politics resides, the territory of politics and what kind of space politics is manifested in. In my experience, the public space and public arena for making art is hugely influenced by consensus, and I just kind of wanted to ask both of you how you dealt with this culture of consensus working in public space?

SM: Politely… But it’s amazing what you can get away with whenever you politely ask for something. But maybe it’s a bad way of answering it. But, again, going back to that idea of what is political, my understanding of the political is that its everything. And I grew up under that assumption that everything we did and said has something political attached to it. So the Scottish Parliament was kind of interesting cos it was a very particular space to make work for. But if you make work under the assumption that whatever you’re doing involves some notion of the political then making it in the Scottish Parliament wasn’t gonna be any different. And in terms of consensus, I think I was trying to open it out so that there wasn’t a consensus within the work in terms of what was being said, everything was very different.

DB: I think that’s really key cos I think in Mouffe’s argument she quite often sets up this scale - she talks about the concepts of consensus and census, splitting the terms, deliberately trying to set up some opposition situation, a kind of language game - and I find that really intriguing and I think the implication in her argument was that it’s all too easy to take some apparent moral consensus to take some neo-liberal line. I think it’s quite interesting to set up a situation where you’re set apart, or to set something up that’s a problematic and I think one of the implications of her thesis is to say ‘hey look, why, why don’t you set something up that actually maybe feels a little bit uncomfortable in order to set something in motion?’

RW: I mean that there’s the commissioning process, there’s a kind of consultation stage that the artists has to go through and, you know, this idea of how critically-engaged practice is almost kind of diverted away from questioning dominant ideologies. So did your experience, especially with the Scottish Executive, feel like a consultation, where you had to present the idea, and was that tweaked and was there compromises made?

Ross Sinclair: What happened after that? Was it a competition, or were you just invited to do it or?

SM: Kenny said he wouldn’t do it and it was wrong. So they opened it up and advertised it.

Erik Sandersson: There’s an interesting difference, in Mouffean terms, between the two of you, because whereas you just put something out and put something in motion and don’t propose something different; this alternative map is what she talked about as the offer which that agonist intervention should present. So, in my view, this is the difference between the two of you in the work I have seen today; where your work is much more engaged, telling these stories is the true map of Scotland. And also it’s agonistic in the sense that the first thing that one would have thought of as putting in the parliament is a gold leaf map - in the traditional sense - of Scotland. So it’s clearly disrupting something. And it’s also a sort of consensus thing but weren’t people pissed off? weren’t they angry about not having this gold leaf sort of thing?

SM: I think the people who commissioned it, because it ticked all the boxes for them in terms of all the things that they wanted it to do, they didn’t really care, in all honesty, about what it looked like, I don’t think. I think as long as they could say, ‘ok, it’s done that, it’s done that, it’s done that, it’s done that’ then it’s fine.

Ken Neil: Is that a description of your anxiety Rhona?

RW: Yeah. It’s when the form of production is changed as a result of consensual thinking?

KN: There’s a maybe the beginnings of an irony there. Of all arenas where you might expect to see contestation or civic discourse which is genuinely agonistic, you don’t, you see something which has been cleansed by the processes, if necessary, of cooperation with clients, customers, funders, sponsors and so on.

DB: I wriggle out of that by not putting myself in that situation. So in other ways it means that, on a practical and financial level, you opt out, you opt yourself out of certain kinds of opportunities, perhaps. It’s not as if I wouldn’t do anything that’s sanctioned on that level, but I would only take it if I was given licence to do it. If I had the final say.

RW: But that opt out could also be viewed as a cop out.

DB: It could be, I’m accepting that. I mean, partly it’s a practical thing, because I’ve done a few public art things where there have been bodies of money and committees and it takes so much time, it’s a practical thing you know and from personal level I just get bored. In a way, the reason for control isn’t about control freakishness, or really even sort of the need to maintain some sort of political hold on things, it’s really that it’s easier to do things independently than it is to do things institutionally.

KN: The last thing I’ll say is the most politically dangerous thing I think we’ve seen today or heard is Shauna’s picture, the montage of all the green dots. And that’s a tremendously bold statement that if you care to you can carry with you, literally which is where you made the point, you can carry with you an aesthetic insistence that you impose something unseen onto the world as you go about it and, lo and behold, you have your own kind of join-the-dots kind of personal politics underneath the ordinary. I mean that’s a tremendously powerful piece of work, it’s fantastic.

Minty Donald: Just going back a bit, David. Both you and Ross were talking about the potential threat of the SNP gaining power and that therefore formed a sort of strong hegemony that we as artists could react against and I was just really quite troubled by that. I know you weren’t suggesting that was necessarily a good thing, but I just think the idea that that really creates the most interesting work troubles me, whereas actually dealing with the heavy political structures within an institutions, as Shauna is working, I think we have to find strategies to do that.

DB: Of course, I mean that was a response to a ‘What if?’ situation, saying if we end up in that extreme circumstance, there’s something positive to be gained from it. You know, one could look to other European models from the not so distance past that suggest that cultural production doesn’t die when the money’s cut off, when the support of the infrastructure is less.

MD: Yet it does raise all these difficult questions. I’m also really interested in one piece, Shauna, you thought you might have to include that you were going to, personally, have problems with: one of the sentences from a woman, the charismatic, religious person. What would have happened if you’d had a sentence that the Executive had trouble with it, say it was racist or sexist or whatever, that they couldn’t have as part of a permanent, however permanent it was, work in the Scottish parliament?

SM: Well I had a couple of meetings with them where I would have to show them a sample selection of sentences and I just kept that sample selection really polite and these are the sentences you’re getting and so the ones that were more difficult I didn’t put them under their noses and also they would have to take quite a bit of time to read through every single one of the sentences and I don’t think that they’ve got the time to do that, so I think I was safe enough.

ES: How controversial were those sentences?

SM: They weren’t anything that I thought was overly controversial or difficult. I mean, probably for me the most difficult thing was actually in terms of their proximity to one another; so where one sentence is talking about ‘Black, lesbian, poet, mother’ alongside a Free Presbyterian woman who had a quote from a Psalm from The Bible. To have them together I know that both of them were gonna be seriously offended by that and brings up something I didn’t want to bring up which was about the clash of these. It was much more about kind of knitting it into an overall thing so I think maybe the conflict could have arisen in terms of how closely the sentences were connect or rubbed up against each other, rather than what they were saying. I mean the one sentence that is probably my favourite is the one that says ‘Still listening for the voice of the Ootlin’. The ‘ootlin’ is an east coast term, a word for outsider, and I’d never heard of it before but apparently it’s a kind of well used word and I just think, you know, to have that on a wall of the parliament where you’re saying ‘I’m still listening for this voice to be recognised’, I kind of think that’s quite, it’s not controversial, but it’s actually what the work was about.

Top of next column

RS: It’s kind of interesting though that, in a sense, that voice is only allowed to be given form because another artist had pointed out to them that the basic structure they were employing was unacceptable, so they had to rethink it in a different way so it’s a sort of folding in on that. Can I just quickly respond to what you’re saying Minty. When I was saying that I kind of maybe was thinking about it sort of differently that I just thought it was actually somebody from the National Galleries, it was actually the Portrait Gallery, but you know they’re all part of the same umbrella. I was kind of amazed that they were so nervous or they would so clearly articulate that the political dimension for them would be having an immediate effect on how they operated. It was kind of interesting to me that they were, not exactly shaking in their boots, but there was a clear articulation that this was a concern.

MD: I don’t think it’s that this is the right way to work, outside institutions, and this is the wrong way. Most things are equal.

RS: Yeah, I mean I wasn’t really proposing that, it was just kind of interesting to me, the almost unarticulated part of the discussion today is what about all the parts of that history that aren’t in these sort of places, where the history is collected.

Moira McLean: Can I ask a question? You both seem to have some kind of relationship with truth, you’re both talking about work being propositional which define that it’s got a truth condition in its proposition, I suppose people will argue as to its truth or falsity, in that you seem to be saying that this map is the true map of Scotland. I think was a fantastic piece of work but I’m not sure whether it’s the true map of Scotland. You both seem to have a very close relationship between what it is that you do and the truth. Could you tell me what it is?

DB: I suppose in the case of this piece Turnout it was quite a pragmatic thing. I was speaking earlier on about having to avoid the documentary, avoid the literal in a broader sense, but at the same time I was interested in the enormity of 2 million people doing the same thing at roughly the same time. And what can seem like this really futile, pathetic act of going, still in our time - maybe it’s the last time we’ll ever do it - but putting a cross on a piece of paper and putting it in a metal box. It’s something that’s being done assertively and actively by a number of people with the shared aim, or, at least one would assume, the shared aim of acting on the licence that’s offered by democratic culture. In that sense of making that palpable for someone. One of the things that is often discussed is a kind of apathy towards voting, ‘What difference is that going to make?’ But once you kind of create some sort of model that suggest actually that the one isn’t the insignificant, which is this idea that the cross has the two arms and the two legs, the one is essential to the mass: the mass doesn’t occur - again its going back to this idea of the working class, the masses, you know, the power of the individual within the whole - the whole is nothing without the individual, and that individual action is what accrues into mass action. That was in my mind as a model of something that might be represented and offered as a model.

KN: I think that’s where Chantal Mouffe is directly relevant, because for her it would be a shame if that noble act of the individual voting only led again to the same kind of consensual politics in which case the vote becomes semi-unnecessary and politics can just go about its business. So she wants to see an arena return which will see the individual confident that that vote will lead to a variation in political position which I think for me is absolutely spot on.

DB: Yeah I agree with that. I mean in that sense one of the aims of this work is to be a true representation of a body within the absence of it. So it’s a metaphoric tool in that sense.

SM: If I said that was the true map then I don’t think it is. It is just one of many I’d love to do another. I could do another 100 and they’d all be true.

DB: I think one of the things we can get caught up in, in the current moralistic climate, is that there is one truth. And the idea that there might be plural truths. You know, that there’s no way at all you could argue that that isn’t a true map of Scotland. It’s one of many true maps of Scotland, perhaps, and it has a particular use and in a particular situation and a particular climate. And so I think within the culture that we have there is sometimes a rush towards honesty and truth in a polarised and singular position. I think one of our jobs is to react against that, so, actually, you can have equal truths that offer a breadth of understanding that’s better than some rush towards a belief system. You know, a single belief is based on ‘this is the truth because it’s true’ it always enables the faith factor.

RT: Shauna you were going to say something about making other maps. What other maps?

SM: The process of making the work where you go from one person to the next was just thinking about how to draw maps as you’ve never done before, so that the green dot was one. Rather than cutting the map up and cutting things up, which I’ve done for a long time, actually you could do another map or work with maps by taking in some notion of real time and by meeting people or I guess it’s just throwing up, another way of thinking about how you draw maps.

RT: And in a sense that these maps are very much led by the people that you’re meeting and conversations. I keep coming back to this question: what is really the difference between that recognition of multiple abilities of the mind to think and perceive and reflect and project, and all that, what really is the difference between that and somebody making a statement about something that they would like to see changed for example? Because I think one of the dangers in a lot of the conversations that we’ve been having this afternoon seems to me to lie around the idea that there is only one position being expressed if someone says ‘I believe Trident is wrong’, for example. I’m not saying that, cos I won’t get into that at the moment, but I think all those opinions or beliefs, or whatever you want to call them, are also arrived at by consideration of many and it seems to me that is the essential thing about democracy that we would like to maintain. So to succumb to the idea that any kind of overt political ideology, or align it, or exploring for the moment is somehow single-mindedly excluding everything else is quite a risky thing.

ES: But Mouffe again today talked about, on the one hand, deliberative consensus that excludes a lot of things, and, on the other hand, she talks about the radical postmodernist, Baudrillardian view about lots of equal truths unrelated to each other. The important point that she makes is that we have different truths but they are ordered into hegemonic power relationships; where one truth dominates the other excludes others all together. And if we go for the liberal consensus or if we go for not equally-valued truths detached from each other, we end up with the same non-political situation that makes criticism meaningless for political change So the reiteration of different truths, say alternative maps for Scotland, is something that goes on in the ‘nation project’ of Scotland where they have different kind of values where this map proposed another concept of the ‘nation state’ project of Scotland than the traditional map proposes.

KN: Absolutely right. I mean that kind of cultural pluralism is fine until you’re actually dealing with politics proper and politics proper is a heavyweight business which involves an infinite number of notes or opinion and at some point some of these plural positions will need to be, by consensus, excluded and that’s a terrible thing that politics has to contend with. I’m not saying anything different from you but it’s a terrible thing that politics has to contend with from time to time and that’s why Mouffe says it’s not a question between left and right, but between right and wrong. But she still maintains the idea that certain positions of consensus are less impressive than certain others and I would have to buy into that.

RT: She seemed to be differentiating between, for example, the moral stance that a government takes in imposing a certain kind of legislation supposedly for the common good and the individual. She gave an example of a novel, but I wouldn’t really agree with her on the impact of that particular novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, but I share the belief that an art object or piece of writing can have a huge impact, can change a nation’s thinking or community’s thinking in many ways, but I think to say that the moral stance taken by the government is somehow separated from a moral stance or a belief or a move towards democracy from the grassroots, as it were, are two different things isn’t always the case because governments don’t sit and make up good ideas for the people, they often respond, although albeit rather clumsily sometimes, to a demand from ordinary people.

ES: Well if I understand Mouffe correctly, this moralization of politics is a way of hiding the hegemonic power structures of politics, so if the power structures were open and evident and ideologically based in political propositions that wouldn’t be the problem. But when they are substituting real politics, they are hiding these power relations.

DB: I think that idea of the veil or the cloak, something masquerading as something else, is the dangerous aspect.

RT: I suppose I worry about breaking away too much from political action.

ES: I agree, I agree.

KN: I think Shauna has a model of two kinds of revelation of these underlying political momentums, if that can be pluralized; the first one, the parliament work, is on behalf of others: you’re brining to the surface these political momentums attached to specific women who would have been otherwise not seen; and the second model is the personal one: you can make the world according to your own map as you go about it taking your green dot. And that is, I think, Mouffean, if you want to put it in those terms, because you’re allowing two things which would have been held under by conventional hegemony to come back out. And if the artist doesn’t do anything else other than that, that’s probably enough.

DB: I think that was absolutely the message of the summing up of her presentation this morning, which was that, you know, watch out, word of caution, the forum is being pulled out from underneath your feet, let’s ensure that it’s maintained. And that seems like a really important lesson. Whether it’s new or not doesn’t really matter, but I think it’s interesting, as I was saying earlier on about originality, perhaps an originality of thought isn’t always that important; what’s important is a vital currency of ideas.

END


CONTENTS

Editorial

Chantal Mouffe

Jan Verwoert